This year marks the 39th anniversary of the formation of the United Democratic Front (UDF). The UDF was a creature of its times, yet its contribution to the making of modern South Africa is immense. Imbued in its vision and actions, glimmers of a non-racial future could be felt and seen. As a front of grassroot organisations, its programme was based on specific demands. In the history of the liberation struggle in South Africa, united front organisations were characterised by a limited set of objectives. But the limited objectives were informed by a broad vision and understanding of the democracy that was needed. In this respect, the UDF was not different.  

The UDF was appropriately designed to respond to a pressing set of circumstances, which involved the imposition of the tricameral system of representation to parliament – whites, Indians and coloured people. In the same vein, the African urban communities were to be governed by the unrepresentative black local authorities. The word “Black” was introduced by the apartheid regime to replace Bantu - but not used in the sense introduced by the Black Consciousness Movement to refer to Africans, Coloureds and Indians - but for Africans alone. A usage that is regrettably slipping back into many media reports and other discourse.

The launch of the UDF represented a high point in the struggle for democracy. To this extent, it captured the growing democratic sentiments of communities. In its practice, it crafted new ways of organising communities and sectors, thus giving agency to people’s determination to be their own liberators. In its quest for maximum unity, it forged strategic and tactical alliances. While it held a principled position against Apartheid, it conducted the struggle on a non-sectarian basis, continually trying to broaden its base and draw in those who had not previously been part of the “Congress movement”. This approach remains relevant today and can be emulated when seeking to create a basis for unity and genuinely find long-lasting solutions to societal problems.

The legacy and tradition of the united front movements in South Africa

However glorious the UDF achievements were, its re-creation is not possible given new and different conditions that now exist. The current crop of activists can only draw lessons from the experience of that period. United fronts against apartheid predated the 1980s in South Africa. The imposition of the Hertzog Bills in 1935 was a catalysing factor in the formation of a new united front. The purpose of the Hertzog Bills was to complete the removal of African voters from the common electoral roll, force Africans off their remaining land, and compel them to work in the white farms, mines, and factories. This led to the formation of the All-African Convention (AAC) in 1935. This broad front consisted of political organisations, trade-unions, civic, sporting bodies as well faith-based organisations.

The Atlantic Charter adopted by the USA, Britain, and allied countries in 1941, promised a better world in the post-second world period. As a response to this development, the ANC spearheaded a process of inserting the African Claims into the promises contained in the Atlantic Charter. These African Claims constituted a Bill of Rights for Africans, though not the first in ANC history. The ANC at its conference in 1923 had adopted what it termed the African Bill of Rights. In 1943, the conference was held to discuss and adopt the African claims. The conference made the call that peace would only be possible if the claims of African people to full citizenship were addressed. This conference represented the aspirations and demands of a vast array of organisations.

The collection of demands and the final adoption of the Freedom Charter by the Congress of the People in Kliptown, 1955 represented a major achievement of the broad front approach to the struggle. The inclusiveness in the process of collecting demands from all sections of society, grassroot organisations, urban and rural folks underscored the broad united front approach taken by the leadership of the ANC at the time. As a result, more than three thousand delegates participated in this historic event.

In 1991, a Patriotic Front representing 92 organisations was launched in Durban. The Patriotic Front was composed of former anti-apartheid organisations together with some parties that had operated within the apartheid system. It agreed that the route towards a democratic parliament must be preceded by an interim government to take control of key areas of administration such as the security forces and a constituent assembly that would negotiate the final constitution. In recent times, the campaigns of the Treatment Action Campaign (HIV/AIDS), and the mobilisation against state capture and corruption in 2016/7 demonstrated what a united front could achieve. The essential feature of these United Front formations was the limited time and purpose of their existence.

Unlike many fronts before, the UDF had considerable organisational depth and breadth in and amongst communities. It had a presence in the cities, towns, farms, factories, and villages. It took mandates and direction from affiliated organisations. The organisations were themselves driven by communities and sectors.

We live in entirely different times and yet the material conditions of most South Africans have not changed for the better. The last 28 years has seen massive change in the political and social lives of South Africans. National, provincial, and municipal elections have been held with different outcomes. Yet in the same period poverty, income inequality and unemployment have risen. State capture and corruption have resulted in state dysfunctionality and the collapse of service delivery. This has imperiled the future of households and communities. South Africa has reached an inflection point. Rebuilding our institutions, reigniting economic growth, improving state functionality, and ensuring democratic accountability has become the overriding national concern.

What can be learnt from the UDF experience

The conditions might be different today, but the UDF left a legacy of how to think about organising people. It demonstrated that progressive social reforms will only be realized when people are in organised structures. Central to the broad front approach was the idea of maximum unity in the face of adversity. Such levels of unity can only be achieved under the guidance of leaders of high moral standard, courage, and honesty all of which are necessary when confronting difficult situations. Central to this idea is ensuring broad unity and minimising conflicts and contradictions within the communities. Indeed, the slogan – “UDF Unites – Apartheid Divides” – best captures the organizational ethos in addressing people’s problems.

The relevance of the UDF experience is not so much on what organisations it incubated and inspired but how to think about politics. That is to understand politics not only in power terms but also value driven. Service and participation thus became key ingredients in the political process. For such a movement, politics was more than entry into Parliament. To the movement, power relations existed in multiple areas and spheres of society. This approach gave depth to activists' participation in sports, faith-based institutions and organisations, street committees, factories, and school governance.

In this regard, organisations were schools of democracy. Members learnt to participate and play an active role in shaping democratic outcomes in their organisation. The accountability ethos ensured that leaders did not move outside of organisational mandates. The UDF ensured that non-racialism was not just an abstract concept but a living reality. Communities were united in action and racial boundaries were weakened, and national mobilisation and organisation created national structures as well as a new democratic national consciousness.

The case for the renewal and change in how our political system functions today is evident to all South Africans. The years of state capture and corruption, low economic growth and state failure have resulted in the fragmentation of our educational and health systems, roads, and the rail network. Our Constitution remains the framework within which to understand our political and social rights. Inscribed in this framework is the accountability of those who hold public power on behalf of the citizens.

There have been growing calls for a change in our electoral system if only to ensure that we strengthen accountability. It has been argued that the changes to our electoral system will ensure that there is greater accountability to the voters. In this regard, a hybrid model of proportional representation and constituency-based electoral system is suggested. The Electoral Amendment Bill is now being deliberated on in Parliament. A number of societal organisations have shown active interest in how the Bill will unfold. Major campaigns should be undertaken to ensure that the proposed electoral legislation will guarantee greater accountability of public representatives to constituencies. Legislative changes should not just be about mere cosmetic changes that ultimately still perpetuate the notion that elected representatives are accountable to their political parties and not the electorate.

Accountability should also extend to public service. Openness, transparency, and enhanced consequence management for public officials will improve accountability.

State Capture and corruption have in many ways reversed the gains of our democracy and deprived South Africans of the prospects for a better life. A social movement or a broad front against corruption is required. A fight against corruption has the possibilities of creating the broadest possible united front involving people and organisations across the social and class divide. The values contained in the Constitution remain the basis upon which a campaign against corruption could be mounted. Amongst others the broad front can base its campaign on the following objectives: Campaigning for a new electoral system; reclaiming and renewing our democracy; professionalising and restructuring the public service; combatting corruption and state capture; standing up to destabilisation of democracy; building a popular movement for change; and joining the popular movement for democracy.

In this regard, the recent Conference for Democratic Renewal and Change by Defending our Democracy is a step in the right direction. The energy and hope that it generated now needs to be harnessed, and it needs activists on the ground and a strengthened organisational structure to become a broad front – a movement for democratic renewal and change.

Our democracy is too precious to be left to only political parties - it must also involve ordinary people in discovering and activating their political agency. A broad front approach will foster meaningful engagement by all sectors of society and by so doing, return to value-based politics.

Mandla Nkomfe is the Deputy Chairperson of the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation Board of Trustees and serves on Defend our Democracy’s Secretariat. He was a member of the Congress of South African Students and the United Democratic Front. Nkomfe served as Gauteng’s MEC for Finance and Economic Affairs. He is currently based at the Department of Public Enterprises. He writes in his personal capacity.