“Schools are on the front line of armed conflicts, with classrooms,
teachers and pupils seen as legitimate targets”⁽²⁾

Schools, institutions to educate and develop citizens, are often targeted during periods of violent/armed conflict and used as political battlefields. This paper highlights underreported challenges schools and education systems face during and after periods of armed conflict. Eastern Chad is used as a case in point. Not only were educational institutions severely negatively affected during Chad’s recent conflict period (2005 – 2010), but schools still struggle to deliver positive learning outcomes after peace agreements were signed in 2010. Declining passing rates, clear inequalities and a lack in educational resources may further cause divisions and under-development amidst looming tensions in the area. Schools, where peace and development can be fostered, in Chad have served not only as battlefields, but as political playfields with dire consequences for its civilians.
Education for all: A basic human right and “the hidden crises”

“Everyone has the right to education,” according to Article 26 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Two important frameworks aim to guide the fulfilment of this human right, namely “Education For All” (EFA)⁽³⁾ and the Millennium Developmental Goals (MDG’s).⁽⁴⁾ These two frameworks assert access to primary education as one of its aims. Consensus has also been achieved that education should feature as a primary goal for the Post-2015 Millennium Developmental Goals.⁽⁵⁾

Education for all is so emphasised because, as the Director-General of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), Irina Bokova, aptly states, ““The equation is simple: education is the most basic insurance against poverty. Education represents opportunity. At all ages, it empowers people with the knowledge, skills and confidence they need to shape a better future.”⁽⁶⁾

Despite the named frameworks to achieve education for all, the objective is yet to be achieved. Particularly conflict-affected countries fall far behind with regards to achieving the goals as set out by EFA.⁽⁷⁾ UNESCO reports that (in 2008), for example, about 28 million children in conflict affected poor countries were out of school – this is 42% of the total number of children not in primary school worldwide. Furthermore, whereas 93% of young citizens in poor countries are literate, only 79% of young people in conflict affected countries can be identified as such.⁽⁸⁾ While the numbers may be well-known,

The challenges to achieving education for all in countries affected by armed conflict are underreported ⁽⁹⁾ and resources available to further education in these countries (such as public funds or aid) are often either diverted to military spending or more pressing humanitarian appeals.

In some areas, education systems manage to stay resilient during and after periods of armed conflict. These instances demonstrate that such resilience is made possible when schools, parents and other community actors actively seek out ways to minimize school pupils’ exposure to risks, as well as keep pupils motivated. To achieve a dynamic of cooperation, risks for school pupils should be identified and schools and communities protected.⁽¹⁰⁾ Schools should be inclusive and accessible, whilst education must be safe, protective, relevant and appropriate. Moreover, education must be accountable to parents, children and communities ⁽¹¹⁾ in order to embrace the powerful positive impact quality education may have in conflict prevention and peace-building.

However, education systems and institutions remain under attack in conflict affected countries, limiting the impact they can have to develop and equip citizens. Moreover, schools and education systems are sometimes used to further perpetrate violence and serve as both weapon and target during war.⁽¹²⁾

Education during conflict

The deliberate targeting of civilians is an earmark of violent conflicts of the 21st century so far – a tendency which makes it less dangerous to be a combatant than to be a civilian in the current and recent violent conflicts.⁽¹³⁾ Such an example is the targeting of children, teachers and schools, which often forms part of what armed groups see as a legitimate ‘military strategy’⁽¹⁴⁾ to ensure their success in overpowering both civilians and institutions that may be seen as representative of state authority.⁽¹⁵⁾ When schools are increasingly targeted during armed conflicts, children become more afraid of going to school, teachers teach amidst growing fear and parents become afraid of sending their children to school.⁽¹⁶⁾

Often rape and sexual violence (targeting girls) are used as a weapon of war against vulnerable children. Survivors of these atrocities suffer not only from physical injuries, but also psychological trauma and stigmatisation by their communities. These consequences may have a lasting impact on the development and educational attainment of the survivors.⁽¹⁷⁾ However, attacks on education do not only imply human and physical damage (such as school infrastructure), but they undermine economic growth and development for the country at large.⁽¹⁸⁾ Continuous attacks on education during periods of conflict may limit the capacity of the state to provide educational services; cripple social and economic development (for which education is an important enabling foundation); as well as endanger the stability of villages, regions or even states (as seen in the case of Sierra Leone). These limiting outcomes resulting from attacks on educational institutions are believed to be the primary reasons why attacks on schools have become a tactic/military strategy of war.⁽¹⁹⁾

Various types of attacks on educational institutions have been identified: killings, assassinations, beatings, abductions, sexual violation of children and teachers (at or on the way to school), recruitment of children as soldiers (at or on the way to school), the destruction of educational facilities, the occupancy of educational facilities, and threats.⁽²⁰⁾

UNESCO’s education report in 2011 adds to these types of attacks by noting that schools can also be used as “vehicles of social division” – not only in terms of unequal educational opportunities emphasising class and gender differences (which might further grievance and injustice), but also through curricula that enforce stigmatisation and propagate messages which further divisions and tension.⁽²¹⁾ These divisions do not only develop in the country of conflict itself, but also in refugee camps where opportunities for quality education are limited. Access to basic education in refugee camps is already difficult to advance and if the problem of access is addressed, a lack in educational facilities, materials and qualified teachers makes the advancement of quality education difficult. Furthermore, those fortunate enough to attain education in refugee camps often face language barriers and problems with regard to accrediting the education they obtain. Also, with the emphasis on primary education for all and aid/projects predominantly focused on achieving this goal, attaining secondary and tertiary education becomes a luxury few can afford for citizens in both the conflict-affected countries and refugee camps ⁽²²⁾ – a reality which limits the opportunities for development for the young people during periods of armed conflict and in refugee camps.

Schools, which are supposed to be safe havens for children to develop and which can be utilized to build peace, are turned into violent and political battlefields. The scope and impact of this reality remains underreported and “hidden”. Here, serving as example, are schools in Chad.

Chad 2005-2010

The civil war in Chad began in 2005. Eastern Chad, however, has been drawn into the crisis of its Sudanese neighbour – particularly within the Darfur region – since 2003.⁽²³⁾ Unrest and turmoil resulted from Chadian rebel groups forming allegiances over the competition for power and land between Chad and Sudan. Peace accords between the two governments were signed in 2009, but rebel group attacks continued to rage. Shortly after these accords, an alliance of eight rebel groups (called the Union Front for Change (UFR)) launched an attack from its base in the politically unstable and war torn Darfur region of Sudan. Violence along the border escalated in the following months with Chadian planes bombing targets in the Darfur region, government forces clashing with rebel groups, and new rebel groups forming as the situation remained unresolved.⁽²⁴⁾

In 2010 relations between Chad and Sudan started to improve significantly following a succession of presidential visits, and after an agreement between the two governments was reached. Following these visits, a joint patrol of 3,000 troops was established along the border of these two countries, which led to the reopening of the border for civilian traffic for the first time in seven years. In May 2010, the Chadian Government prohibited a prominent Darfur rebel group (the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) from returning to Sudan whilst Sudanese authorities assisted in pressuring Chadian rebel groups to return to Chad from Sudan. Finally, during 2012, the security situation in Chad improved commendably as core rebel groups and rebel leaders – particularly of relevance the leader of the Popular Front for Recovery (FPR), Abdel Kader Baba-Laddé followed by 150 FPR rebels as part of a plan to repatriate FPR followers – surrendered.⁽²⁵⁾ However, bandit attacks still continue in most parts of the country today.⁽²⁶⁾

As a result of years of fighting, Chad is now home to about 345,000 refugees from the Central African Republic (CAR) and Darfur, as well as to an estimated 90,000 Internally Displaced Persons (IDP’s) and 91,000 returned IDPs.⁽²⁷⁾ Given the delicate and volatile conditions of CAR and Sudan, the return of these IDPs and refugees to their countries of origin on a large scale and on a voluntary basis is unlikely at present.⁽²⁸⁾ Furthermore, threats of drought, famine and rising food prices in combination with the possibility of a further influx of people to Chad may increase tension in the area.⁽²⁹⁾ Imperative for survival in refugee camps is the provision of food, water, shelter, sanitation and health services. Education is also of profound importance for children living in these conditions as it can serve as antidote to the recruitment of child soldiers and may offer children more opportunities to make a livelihood for themselves. Education can also be utilized to foster peace, development and peace-building efforts.⁽³⁰⁾ Chad’s educational system is in a dire state, however – partially as a result of attacks on educational institutions during the civil war, as well as a lack in comprehensive reform given the current realities of this country.

Education: The situation in Chad

Chad’s education system failed to protect students and further education during (and now after) the recent Chadian period of armed conflict. During Chad’s  civil war, international organisations (such as UNESCO, Child Soldiers International and Amnesty International) investigated and reported on: 1) the recruitment of boys as child soldiers by the Chadian army (Armeé Nationale Tchadienne (ANT), as well as Chadian and Sudanese armed opposition groups (particularly the JEM);⁽³¹⁾ 2) sexual violence targeted at school children; 3) violent attacks impacting schools; and 4) the killing of children by both non-state parties, pro-government militias and the national army. Furthermore, school attendance rates for displaced persons in Chad were desperately low as refugees struggled with barriers of entry to education (such as language) and a lack of basic services in host countries, which further limited the opportunities for education during war.⁽³²⁾ Also, public funds are rarely attributed to address educational concerns during violent conflicts – despite the imminent implications it will have for the country in future. Indeed, this has also been the case for Chad. These struggles ensue as refugees remain stranded in Chad and Chadians struggle to attain quality education with little systematic support.

In 2011, the year after the Sudan and Chad finally made progress towards agreements to enable peace, the Chadian Government spent more than four times less on education than on arms. Cutting 10% of the military expenditure of Chad (which was 3% of gross domestic product (GDP) at the time) in order to fund education would have enabled 350,000 more children to attain primary education that year. Clearly education and fostering positive learning outcomes through the educational system have not been important both during and after conflict.

The negative effects of this failure to foster education are already showing. In 2012, only 9% of the pupils in Chad passed their final year of high school. Moreover, only 36.5 % of children in Chad who are of a school-going age were enrolled in schools in 2012. At the same time, government spending on education represents only 2% of the national GDP – one of the lowest levels in the world. Merely reorganising the exams will not help the situation. A thorough investigation and stock taking of the whole education system is needed. Some efforts have been made to improve the lack of proper education, but attempts to solve the issue at hand have been unsuccessful – primarily because the efforts were identified and implemented by officials who are disconnected from the situation on the ground.⁽³³⁾

Schools continue to struggle in trying to serve their purposes as institutions of education. Up to 80% of public and community based schools, facilitating 67% of the national student population (not even to mention the scores of refugee children) are situated in rural parts of Chad. Access, infrastructure, qualified teachers and educational materials are scarce. Abuses of power continue in these often uncontrolled and unregulated spaces of education. Reports of teachers abusing children, raping girls and accepting bribes from boys to pass their subjects, paints pictures of educational environments with little to offer children in terms of development and progress.⁽³⁴⁾

Clearly Chad still has a long way to go tp manage and minimize risks for students, use and protect assets which will further positive educational outcomes, foster school-community support dynamics (and thus utilize schools as partners in furthering education despite adversity) and deliver resilient aligned services with resources enabled to support communities in fostering education.

Conclusion

Schools in Chad do have quite a job in providing children with good quality education. During the Chadian war, which raged between 2005-2010, schools, teachers and pupils were targeted and under attack through violent means. Three year later, schools still lack infrastructure, qualified teachers and education materials. Vulnerable children, particularly refugees, are still under attack and are vulnerable targets for both child soldier recruiters and sexual violators. Furthermore, injustices and barriers to entry create further tension among citizens – already weary from war and displacement.

Community actors (such as school staff, parents and students) should utilize their capacities in combination with policies and the educational system which provides systematic support in order to both limit the exposure to risks at institutions of education, as well as to further positive educational outcomes despite adversity. If these concerns are not addressed, education may serve to advance tension and conflict in the area, rather than serve as a safe haven where children can play, learn and develop as they rightly should.

Written by Elnari Potgieter ⁽¹⁾

NOTES:

(1) Elnari Potgieter is a Research Associate with CAI. Contact Elnari through Consultancy Africa Intelligence's Conflict and Terrorism unit ( conflict.terrorism@consultancyafrica.com). Edited by Nicky Berg.
(2) ‘Education and armed conflict – the deadly spirals’, UNESCO EFA Global Monitoring Report, 2011, http://www.unesco.org.
(3) UNESCO website, http://www.unesco.org.
(4) United Nations Millennium Developmental Goals website, http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals.
(5) Burnett, N. and Felsman, C., ‘Post-2015 Education MDGs’, Overseas Development Institute, 12 August 2012, http://www.odi.org.
(6) ‘The hidden crisis: Armed Conflict and Education: Summary’, UNESCO EFA Global Monitoring Report, 2011, http://www.unesco.org.
(7) ‘The right to education in armed conflict: Education’s role in conflict prevention and peacebuilding’, Rewrite the future: Save the Children, http://www.essex.ac.uk.
(8) ‘The hidden crisis: Armed conflict and education: Summary’, UNESCO EFA Global Monitoring Report, 2011, http://unesdoc.unesco.org.
(9) Ibid.
(10) ‘Towards an operationalization of resilience in education systems’, World Bank Education Notes 77672, May 2013, http://dspace.khazar.org.
(11) ‘The right to education in armed conflict: Education’s role in conflict prevention and peacebuilding’, Rewrite the future: Save the Children, http://www.essex.ac.uk.
(12) Ibid.
(13) ‘The hidden crisis: Armed conflict and education: Summary’, UNESCO EFA Global Monitoring Report, 2011, http://unesdoc.unesco.org.
(14) ‘Education and armed conflict – the deadly spirals’, UNESCO EFA Global Monitoring Report, 2011, http://www.unesco.org.
(15) Ibid.
(16) Ibid.
(17) Ibid.
(18) ‘The hidden crisis: Armed conflict and education: Summary’, UNESCO EFA Global Monitoring Report, 2011, http://unesdoc.unesco.org.
(19) O’Malley, B., ‘The longer-term impact of attacks on education on education systems, development and fragility and the implications for policy responses’, background paper prepared for the Education for All Global Monitoring Report, UNESCO,  2011, http://www.protectingeducation.org.
(20) ‘Education under attack’, UNESCO, 2010, http://unesdoc.unesco.org.
(21) ‘Education and armed conflict – the deadly spirals’, UNESCO EFA Global Monitoring Report, 2011, http://www.unesco.org.
(22) Ibid.
(23) ‘A compromised future: Children recruited by armed forces and groups in Eastern Chad’, Amnesty International, 20 January 2011, http://www.amnesty.org.
(24) ‘Chad: Freedom in the world 2013’, Freedom House, http://www.freedomhouse.org.
(25) Ibid.
(26) ‘A compromised future: Children recruited by armed forces and groups in Eastern Chad’, Amnesty International, 20 January 2011, http://www.amnesty.org.
(27) ‘Chad: Freedom in the world 2013’, Freedom House, http://www.freedomhouse.org.
(28) Ibid.
(29) ‘Chad: 2013 country operations profile’, UNHCR, http://www.unhcr.org.
(30) Ibid.
(31) ‘A compromised future: Children recruited by armed forces and groups in Eastern Chad’, Amnesty International, 20 January 2011,http://www.amnesty.org.
(32) Ibid.
(33) Rachel, K., ‘Education in Chad: In a state of decline’, Open Democracy, 13 November 2013, http://www.opendemocracy.net.
(34) Ibid.