Misaligned frameworks that don’t address grassroots realities abound while migrants face deadly hazards on their journeys to a better life. 

Migration governance in North Africa is at a crossroads, facing pressure from inside and beyond the continent. Countries like Libya, Tunisia, and Egypt are at the heart of Africa’s migration landscape. Yet, their policies remain heavily influenced by external demands and security concerns rather than balanced approaches that prioritise human rights and sustainable development.

This shows fragmented priorities, insufficient regional cooperation, and misaligned frameworks that don’t address grassroots realities. Meanwhile, migrants face life-threatening hazards en route to their destinations, when they’re there, and again back home if they’re returned, to face what they fled in the first place.

Libya exemplifies the dangers of an over-securitised migration strategy. As of February 2024, about 719 064 migrants from 44 nationalities were living across 100 municipalities – a key transit hub for those attempting to cross the Mediterranean.

Libya’s migration governance is defined by militia-controlled detention centres, human rights abuses, and a lack of coherent policies. International actors, particularly the European Union (EU), have poured resources into bolstering the Libyan coast guard to curb irregular migration. But this treats migration as a border problem to be contained – rather than a complex human and developmental issue to be addressed.

By focusing on containment, these efforts neglect migration’s root causes and fail to protect migrants’ dignity and rights. For many, the Central Mediterranean Route, spanning from North African departure points such as Libya and Tunisia to Southern Europe, is not just a path to Europe but a symbol of the immense risks migrants are willing to take for a better life.

In 2023, over 3 105 migrants and refugees were reported dead or missing while trying to reach Europe via the three Mediterranean routes (Eastern, Central, and Western), marking an increase from the more than 2 500 fatalities documented in 2022. The Central Mediterranean Route accounted for 61% of these deaths.

These figures highlight the urgent need for a shift in focus from deterrence to protection, and from control to empowerment. A migration governance model that prioritises human rights and socio-economic development is necessary for long-term regional stability.

Tunisia, too, has become a significant departure point for migrants, accounting for 62% of crossings to Italy in 2023 – but its migration governance is inadequate.

External agreements with European partners, such as the Tunisia-EU Memorandum of Understanding on migration cooperation and Italy’s bilateral agreements on border management, effectively reduce irregular migration to Europe. But they often come at the expense of Tunisia’s domestic policy priorities and obligations under African Union (AU) frameworks, such as the Free Movement of Persons Protocol.

Not having a national asylum framework leaves over 16 500 registered asylum seekers in legal limbo, vulnerable to exploitation and hardship. These omissions highlight how Tunisia’s approach to migration governance fails to balance its European partnerships with its responsibilities to migrants and its commitment to regional integration.

By focusing on border control and security measures driven by European interests, Tunisia risks alienating itself from the AU’s broader vision for free movement and integration. The lack of a coherent domestic policy is not just a failure of governance but a missed opportunity to turn migration into a development driver.

Egypt presents a different but equally pressing set of issues. As both a destination and transit hub, it hosts around nine million migrants, including large populations from Syria and Sudan, whose conflict began in April 2023. Over 514 000 Sudanese nationals crossed into Egypt in 2024, straining the country’s resources and systems.

Egypt’s response – tightening border controls and visa requirements – has pushed more migrants into irregular routes, increasing their vulnerability to exploitation and harm. While these measures may appear to address immediate security concerns, they don’t offer sustainable solutions that could enhance regional stability and development.

Egypt’s role as a migration hub is both a challenge and an opportunity. While it faces socio-economic pressures, including unemployment and limited public resources, its location and historical ties to Sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East position it as a potential leader in regional migration governance. Realising this potential will however require a shift from reactive policies to proactive strategies that prioritise safe, legal, and orderly migration.

These cases show that migration governance in North Africa prioritises external demands over internal cohesion. Agreements with the EU often focus on stopping migration at its source, undermining AU frameworks that emphasise regional integration, labour mobility, and human rights.

The latter remain under-implemented, hampered by overlapping regional memberships and conflicting national priorities. Libya’s reliance on militia-run detention centres and Tunisia’s focus on externalisation contrast with the AU’s vision for safe and legal migration, for example.

Instead of treating migration as a security threat, North African states must adopt policies that recognise its developmental benefits. Migrant remittances, for example, now exceed foreign direct investment in many African countries, demonstrating migration’s potential to drive economic growth. Policies that promote legal pathways for migration could enhance labour mobility, reduce irregular migration, and strengthen regional economies.

But reforms are necessary. First, harmonising regional migration frameworks would reduce fragmentation and improve policy coherence. Second, investing in capacity building for migration management, particularly locally, would ensure effective implementation of existing frameworks.

Third, governments must integrate human rights protections into their migration policies, moving away from punitive approaches like detention and forced returns towards community-based care and regularisation pathways.

International cooperation is vital. European partnership agreements must evolve to reflect a more balanced approach that prioritises shared responsibility. For example, investment in development projects that address migration’s root causes, such as poverty and climate change, would create long-term solutions that benefit both North Africa and Europe.

The AU must strengthen its role in coordinating migration policies across Africa. By 2020, only four of 32 signatory countries had ratified the free movement protocol, falling short of the 15 required for implementation. This slow progress reflects concerns about security risks, economic impacts, and national sovereignty.

Overlapping mandates of regional economic communities exacerbate fragmentation, delaying coherent governance. Addressing these issues through dialogue, capacity-building, and streamlined regional coordination is essential to realise the AU’s vision of harmonised and effective migration policies.

Ultimately, North African migration governance must align with regional and global objectives. The challenges are immense, but so are the opportunities. By prioritising cooperation, development, and human rights, North Africa can transform migration from a crisis to a catalyst for stability and growth.

The question is not whether the region can afford to change its approach – it is whether it can afford not to.

Written by Margaret Monyani Senior Researcher, Migration, ISS Pretoria